The Heartland
Why Ukraine matters — without a single word about values
I. The Geographer
In January 1904, a British geographer delivered a lecture to the Royal Geographical Society in London. His name was Halford Mackinder, he was 42 years old, and he had a theory.
The theory was simple. The world, Mackinder said, consists of one great landmass — Europe, Asia, and Africa together — and islands around it. He called the great landmass the "World Island." He called the islands the "Outer Lands" — the Americas, Australia, the British Isles.
At the center of the World Island lies an area Mackinder called the "Heartland." Roughly: the region between the Volga and the Yenisei, between the Himalayas and the Arctic. A vast territory, rich in resources, inaccessible to sea powers.
Mackinder's thesis, which he sharpened into his famous dictum in 1919, was bold:
"Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland.
Who rules the Heartland commands the World Island.
Who rules the World Island commands the World."
The lecture was politely received and then forgotten. For a quarter century, no one cared about it.
Then came World War II. And suddenly Mackinder was everywhere.
II. The Theory
What had Mackinder seen that others had not?
He had understood that the era of sea powers was ending. Since the 15th century, sea powers — Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, England — had dominated the world. They controlled the coasts, the trade routes, the colonies. The sea was the key to power.
But then came the railroad. And with the railroad, the interior of continents became accessible. Suddenly a land power could move troops and goods over thousands of kilometers without needing a single port.
Mackinder saw: The future belongs to whoever controls the Heartland. From there, one can reach out in all directions — toward Europe, toward the Middle East, toward East Asia. One is invulnerable to sea powers. One has resources, depth, strategic position.
The greatest danger for sea powers — for Britain then, for America later — would be a land power that unites all of Eurasia under its control.
The Three Zones
The Heartland — The inner core of Eurasia. Inaccessible to sea powers. Rich in resources. Strategic depth.
The Inner Crescent — The coastal regions around the Heartland: Europe, the Middle East, India, China. Accessible to sea powers, but also to the Heartland power.
The Outer Crescent — The islands and continents outside: the Americas, Australia, Japan, Britain. Sea powers that must contain the Heartland.
III. The Application
In 1941, Germany attacked the Soviet Union. The goal: Ukraine, the Caucasus, the resources of the East. The Nazis had read Mackinder — or at least Karl Haushofer, who had imported Mackinder's ideas into German geopolitics.
America began to take an interest in the Heartland.
While the war was still on, Nicholas Spykman, a Dutch-American political scientist, formulated a counter-theory. It's not the Heartland itself that's decisive, Spykman said, but the "Rimland" — the coastal fringe around it. Whoever controls the Rimland can contain the Heartland without having to conquer it.
This became the foundation of American strategy in the Cold War.
Containment was the doctrine. The Soviet Union sat in the Heartland. America couldn't attack it. But America could put a ring around it. NATO in Europe. SEATO in Southeast Asia. CENTO in the Middle East. Bilateral alliances with Japan, South Korea, the Philippines.
Everywhere on the edge of the Heartland: American bases, American allies, American power.
The strategy worked. The Soviet Union collapsed without a single shot being fired between the superpowers.
IV. The Grand Chessboard
In 1997, Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor to President Carter, published a book called "The Grand Chessboard." It became the foundational text of American geostrategy after the Cold War.
Brzezinski updated Mackinder for the 21st century. His thesis: Eurasia remains the center of world politics. Whoever controls Eurasia controls the world. America's task is to prevent any single power — or alliance of powers — from dominating Eurasia.
About Ukraine, Brzezinski wrote a sentence that now seems prophetic:
"Without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire."
Ukraine, Brzezinski said, is the key. With Ukraine, Russia can become a great power again — 50 million people, fertile land, industry, access to the Black Sea. Without Ukraine, Russia is a vulnerable country with a long border and little strategic depth.
American strategy should therefore be: Keep Ukraine in the Western orbit. In the long run quite possibly in NATO too — Brzezinski considered accession talks between 2005 and 2010 conceivable. Under no circumstances in the Russian sphere of influence. Anchored in the West. A bulwark separating the Heartland from the Rimland.
V. Russia's Response
Russia has read Mackinder too.
Russian foreign policy since Putin follows a logic that might be called "defensive expansion." Russia feels encircled — NATO expansion to the east, color revolutions in the neighborhood, American bases in Central Asia. From Russia's perspective, the West is drawing the ring around the Heartland ever tighter.
Russia's response: Create buffers. Secure spheres of influence. Keep the "near abroad" — the former Soviet republics — under control.
Georgia 2008. Crimea 2014. Donbas 2014. The full invasion of Ukraine 2022.
From Russia's perspective, this isn't aggression. It's defense. It's the attempt to protect the Heartland from encirclement.
That doesn't make it right. But it makes it explainable.
Putin once said the collapse of the Soviet Union was "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century." That sounds absurd to Western ears. But from Heartland logic, it makes sense: The Soviet Union controlled the Heartland plus large parts of the Rimland. Its collapse meant the loss of that control — and the opening of the Heartland to Western influence.
VI. China and the New Silk Road
While Russia and the West fight over Ukraine, China is pursuing a different strategy.
The Belt and Road Initiative — the New Silk Road — is Mackinder in reverse. Not military control of the Heartland, but economic integration. Not conquest, but infrastructure.
Railways from China to Europe. Ports from Sri Lanka to Greece. Pipelines through Central Asia. A network connecting Eurasia — with China as the spider in the web.
The logic is elegant: If the Heartland is opened up through infrastructure, the sea power loses its advantage. Why ship goods across the ocean when you can roll them on rails through Kazakhstan? Why depend on the American fleet when you have pipelines?
China isn't building an army in the Heartland. China is building a nervous system.
This is more dangerous for America than any Russian tank army. Because you can impose sanctions against tanks. Not against railways.
VII. America's Dilemma
America faces a problem that Brzezinski foresaw: It cannot simultaneously contain Russia in Europe and China in the Pacific. The resources aren't sufficient.
The traditional solution would be: Europe keeps Russia in check, America focuses on China. That was the idea behind Obama's "Pivot to Asia."
But Europe isn't strong enough. Or not willing. Or both. So America remains bound in Europe while China expands in the Pacific.
This explains the frustration of American strategists. It also explains the demands for higher European defense spending. It's not just about money. It's about freeing up resources for the real fight — the one for supremacy in the Pacific.
VIII. The Break
This is where Trump comes in.
American foreign policy since 1945 — whether under Democrats or Republicans — has followed Heartland logic at its core: Eurasia must not fall under the control of a hostile power. Hence NATO. Hence containment. Hence engagement everywhere in the world.
Trump doesn't seem to share this logic. Or he doesn't understand it. Or he considers it obsolete.
For Trump, Russia is not a strategic adversary. It's a potential partner against China. Or at least: a factor not important enough to bind American resources.
Ukraine? A corrupt country that doesn't pay. Europe? Rich countries that should defend themselves. NATO? A bad deal.
This is a radical break with 80 years of American geostrategy. It's the abandonment of Rimland control. It's the admission that America is no longer willing to pay the price for containing the Heartland.
The question is: What happens then?
IX. The Scenarios
If America abandons Heartland logic, there are three possible scenarios:
Scenario 1: Europe takes over. Europe becomes an independent Rimland power that contains Russia. This requires massive rearmament, strategic autonomy, political will. Possible, but unlikely in the short term.
Scenario 2: Russia expands. Without American presence in the Rimland, Russia extends its influence westward. Not necessarily militarily — but politically, economically, through energy. Europe becomes more dependent, not less.
Scenario 3: China wins. While America and Europe quarrel, China completes the integration of Eurasia. The New Silk Road becomes the new order. The Heartland is no longer empty — it's Chinese-networked.
All three scenarios fundamentally change the world order. In none of them does America remain the dominant power.
X. Why This Matters
The debate about Ukraine is usually conducted in moral categories. International law. Self-determination. Democracy versus autocracy. Good versus evil.
That's not wrong. But it's not complete.
Ukraine is also — perhaps even primarily — a question of geography. It lies where Mackinder placed it: at the gate to the Heartland. It's the key Brzezinski described. It's the battlefield where it will be decided who controls Eurasia.
That doesn't mean moral arguments are unimportant. It means they alone don't explain why so much is at stake.
If America abandons Ukraine, it's not just abandoning a country. It's abandoning a theory that worked for 80 years. It's accepting that the Heartland can no longer be contained — or doesn't need to be.
Maybe that's right. Maybe Mackinder is obsolete. Maybe geography doesn't matter in a world of nuclear weapons and cyberwar.
But maybe not.
Geopolitics is the discipline that explains
why states do what they do —
without claiming they're right to do it.
Epilogue
Halford Mackinder died in 1947, two years after the end of World War II. He lived to see his theory become the foundation of American strategy. He didn't live to see it prove itself over 80 years.
Today, 120 years after his lecture, Mackinder is relevant again. The questions he asked are the questions of our time:
Who controls the Heartland? Who controls the Rimland? Who controls the connections between them?
The answers won't be given in Brussels or Washington. They'll be given in Kyiv, in Beijing, in Moscow. They'll be given on battlefields and in boardrooms. They'll be given in cables laid through the Kazakh steppe.
The World Island decides. As always.
"Who rules the Heartland commands the World."
That's not morality. That's geography.
And geography cannot be voted out.